Syria’s Kurdish policy a win for Turkiye, a loss for Israel

The Syrian government, under Ahmad Al-Sharaa’s leadership, this month began granting citizenship to Kurds who have been stateless for decades. It is significant to understand what this means for Turkiye in terms of its Syria policy, its rivalry with Israel in the country and its ongoing “Terror-Free Turkiye” process, which aims to end the PKK’s four-decade armed conflict against it.

Syrian Kurds were deprived of their citizenship rights by the Baathist regime that ruled the country with an iron fist for decades. The Al-Sharaa government’s initiative coincides with the process launched by the Turkish government in February 2025 to disarm the PKK. Ankara’s process goes beyond Turkiye’s borders and includes the disarming of Kurdish militias in neighboring states, particularly in Syria’s northeast. Therefore, the developments unfolding in Syria in the post-Assad era are a crucial element of this process.

During the Syrian civil war, the Syrian branch of the PKK, the PYD-aligned Syrian Democratic Forces, made significant gains and even declared a form of autonomy in the northeast. After the war ended, the Al-Sharaa government wanted the SDF to integrate into the national army — a policy that was supported by Turkiye. In parallel, Al-Sharaa also began restoring the rights of Kurds in the country.

After the SDF and the Damascus government in January signed a comprehensive deal following a year-long period of tensions and clashes, Syria’s Interior Ministry ordered the immediate implementation of a new decree granting citizenship to Syrians of Kurdish origin, including those who were previously unregistered and stateless, and ensuring full equality in terms of rights and obligations. This policy was crucial to consolidate the government’s control over the northeast of the country and eliminate possible tensions in the future.

Under the Assad regime, many Kurds faced statelessness, language restrictions and systemic discrimination

Dr. Sinem Cengiz

Later, Al-Sharaa adopted a de-securitized approach toward the Kurds, acknowledging that not all Kurds were part of the SDF. It recognized Kurdish as one of the country’s national languages. Moreover, the president appointed Sipan Hamo, a member of the SDF, as an assistant minister of defense. Hamo was reportedly tasked with handling security in the eastern region.

Kurds have now been granted their rights for the first time in decades. Under the Assad regime, many Kurds faced statelessness, language restrictions and systemic discrimination. Large numbers of Syria’s Kurds were stripped of their Syrian nationality following a 1962 census.

After decades of suppressive measures, in 2011, when protests reached Bashar Assad, he decided to grant citizenship to a limited number of Kurds. He announced that people living in Hasakeh province in northeastern Syria, which is home to a Kurdish majority, would be granted nationality. He even met Kurdish leaders in Hasakeh to hear their demands. However, Assad did not keep his promises and he eventually fell in late 2024. Now, a new era has begun under Al-Sharaa and the Kurds are seen as a part of this Syria.

Al-Sharaa has pledged to bring all Syrian territory under the authority of the new government, including the areas administered by the SDF. This is not only because Syria’s powerful neighbor, Turkiye, would not allow decentralization, but also because Al-Sharaa himself views this as dangerous. From his perspective, it would make the emergence of a pluralistic social contract unlikely.

The ongoing rivalry between Turkiye and Israel in Syria is closely tied to the regional order each country seeks to shape

Dr. Sinem Cengiz

When the SDF prolonged the process of integration and did not abide by the conditions of the agreement signed with Damascus in March 2025, Israel was the one to benefit. The success of the process would have meant the unification of Syria — which Israel prefers to avoid — and the consolidation of centralized authority, which Turkiye strongly supports. Therefore, the deal signed with the SDF and moves toward Kurdish integration are a loss for Israel.

These developments come at a sensitive moment, as Damascus and Tel Aviv have engaged in talks over a potential security arrangement. Israel is in talks due to pressure from the US — otherwise, it would not seek any deal and instead aim to expand into the south of Syria.

Both Al-Sharaa and the US’ Syria envoy Tom Barrack were at last weekend’s Antalya Diplomacy Forum, organized by the Turkish government. Al-Sharaa followed Barrack onto the stage and reemphasized that the Golan Heights cannot be legally annexed by Israel. In the wake of Assad’s fall, Israel overran the demilitarized buffer zone in the Golan Heights for the first time since the 1973 war and carried out incursions into southern Syria, including the Deraa, Sweida, Quneitra and Rif Dimashq governorates, on the pretext of protecting the Druze and Kurds.

Israel’s expansionist policy in Syria has alarmed Ankara. There is an ongoing rivalry between Turkiye and Israel in Syria that is closely tied to the regional order each country seeks to shape. While Turkiye has adopted a strategy of “unify and preserve” in post-Assad Syria, Israel has pursued a “divide and control” policy. However, unlike Assad, Al-Sharaa is on the same page as Ankara on the issue of the SDF and the centralization of authority.

Al-Sharaa’s approach has been very much welcomed by Ankara, which for years dealt with a Syrian regime that allowed PKK-affiliated groups in Syria to operate against Turkish interests. Although Al-Sharaa’s government had its own reasons for opposing the SDF’s autonomy, it has also taken into account Turkiye’s concerns. Thus, Damascus’ policy has been strengthening Ankara’s hand against Israel.

• Dr. Sinem Cengiz is a Turkish political analyst who specializes in Turkiye’s relations with the Middle East. X: @SinemCngz