France should stick with US through thick and thin

France should stick with US through thick and thin

De Villepin’s heavy criticism of the US is misplaced and, despite his eloquence in speech, is vulgar (File/AFP)
De Villepin’s heavy criticism of the US is misplaced and, despite his eloquence in speech, is vulgar (File/AFP)
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I remember watching Dominique de Villepin’s speech at the UN in 2003. De Villepin, who was then France’s minister of foreign affairs under Jacques Chirac’s presidency, expressed Paris’ opposition to the war in Iraq. It was delivered during a tense meeting of the UN Security Council, in which the US and the UK were seeking international support for military action. His performance reminded me of Frank Capra’s movie “Mr. Smith Goes to Washington” — specifically, the filibuster scene where James Stewart talks nonstop in the Senate for 25 hours to postpone a bill.

Despite holding several offices under Chirac, De Villepin’s last was prime minister from 2005 to 2007. But since the beginning of the Gaza war, he has reappeared with a clear opposition to Israel’s actions and he has gained visibility in France and beyond. This might not be a total surprise, as there are points of concordance between the war in Gaza and the war in Iraq. Both came as a reaction to a terrorist attack. The 9/11 attacks on the US were similar to the Oct. 7 attacks on Israel. The magnitude of the response too. De Villepin’s reaction is also consistent with his UN speech, as he stands once against a French ally.

This renewed media interest has offered De Villepin a platform, which he has also used to sharply criticize what he perceives as the inconsistency in France’s foreign policy under Emmanuel Macron, particularly its tendency to “flip-flop” on major international issues. De Villepin has argued that this lack of coherence undermines France’s credibility and influence on the global stage. Regarding the Russia-Ukraine conflict, he criticized Macron’s initial overtures to Vladimir Putin, followed by his sudden alignment with NATO’s hard-line stance, only to later suggest the need to “not humiliate Russia,” which created confusion among France’s allies.

Additionally, De Villepin criticized France’s changing position on the Gaza conflict, calling its reaction to the humanitarian catastrophe insufficient and inconsistent, while charging it with violating international law. He has also criticized France’s withdrawal from Africa, especially Mali, as a sign of a larger inability to uphold a cogent postcolonial strategy. According to De Villepin, such hesitancy and conflicting behavior run the risk of undermining France’s long-standing position as an independent and morally upright diplomatic force.

De Villepin advocates for what he describes as a more balanced approach. I would describe it as a call to jump ship

Khaled Abou Zahr

Today and maybe also in 2003, the main center of his thoughts reveals concerns over France’s alignment with the US, particularly regarding its foreign policy. He argues that such alignment undermines Paris’ traditional role as an independent global actor and diminishes its capacity to mediate in international conflicts. In his speeches, he advocates for what he describes as a more balanced approach. I would describe it as a call to jump ship.

Indeed, his conviction is that it is the end of Pax Americana and he has clearly stated that “the balance of power is not in Washington’s favor” in its confrontation with China. He hence suggests that France should strengthen its diplomatic and economic ties with Eastern nations to promote a multipolar world order. Pragmatically, this view translates to closer attachment with China at the expense of the US.

On paper, what he says sounds nice. In reality, just like De Villepin failed to understand the 2003 geopolitical shift, he today fails to understand that, no matter how many times France jumps ship, there is not a single scenario in which an end of Pax Americana allows Paris to keep its capacity to project power. If we move towards a Pax Sinica, then France will lose it all. No compass reset will change that.

There has been flip-flopping in French policies. This has come from the “Macronian” initiatives facing the realities of the world and hence Macron being unable to execute them. I strongly believe that the mistake Macron and De Villepin both make is thinking that the end of Pax Americana will bring a multipolar world, an end to injustice, and peace. Their cherry on top is that France will once again become a cornerstone of this new order through its deep culture and impartiality. This is wishful thinking. China does not need them. It is as simple as that. The Pax Sinica will be a dragon for Europe.

France should seek full alignment with the US and offer an absolute commitment to the transatlantic alliance

Khaled Abou Zahr

The hard truth is that France should seek full alignment with the US and offer an absolute commitment to the transatlantic alliance. De Villepin’s heavy criticism of the US is misplaced and, despite his eloquence in speech, is vulgar. It is too easy to criticize the man in the arena from the outside. Moreover, you cannot and should not benefit from the protection of a friend and then pick and choose when to support him. You stick with your friends through thick and thin. Italy today has a much more honorable stance.

He is nevertheless right that there needs to be a reinvention of the West and a renewed commitment to the values it upholds. I believe the next Trump administration will deliver this. And so, simply looking at the US and the transatlantic alliance through the lens of criticism and justifying other countries’ violence makes no sense.

I used Capra’s movie as an example as he was, just like De Villepin, a conservative. Yet, De Villepin has been less of a conservative in recent years and he looks more and more aligned with the global left. Ultimately, I would say that the reality of his reappearance is linked to the next presidential election in 2027 and that is an opportunity for him. Indeed, at a time when the current presidency has blurred the lines between center-right and left, his courting of the global left makes sense. Yet, my humble bet is that, in his pursuit of power, he will only boost the far left’s chances. Time will tell.

  • Khaled Abou Zahr is the founder of SpaceQuest Ventures, a space-focused investment platform. He is CEO of EurabiaMedia and editor of Al-Watan Al-Arabi.
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