Iranians placing obstacles in path of dialogue with KSA

In 2016, Saudi Arabia announced it was breaking off ties with Iran amid the fallout of the execution of Nimr Al-Nimr and the storming of the Saudi Embassy in Tehran by protesters in response. The Saudi Shiite cleric was convicted by a court for inciting violence and several other cases related to terrorism following armed clashes in the eastern governorate of Qatif.
In Tehran, angry Iranians attacked the Saudi diplomatic headquarters without being stopped by security forces, an act that Riyadh considered “a flagrant violation of all international conventions and treaties,” as then-Foreign Minister Adel Al-Jubeir put it.
More than six years on from the diplomatic break between the two countries, a fifth round of dialogue between Riyadh and Tehran was scheduled in Baghdad this month, but the meeting was postponed only two days before it was due to be held.
At first, the main reason for the postponement was not clear. According to informed sources, however, there are several reasons, including the fragile internal situation in Iraq. Delays in the formation of a new Iraqi government and the differences between various Shiite political leaders have not paved the way for smooth government action. This has lifted the political cover of the government of Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi, who seeks to remove Iraq from regional conflicts and is one of the main sponsors of the dialogue between Saudi Arabia and Iran. However, parties loyal to the Iranian regime do not feel comfortable with Al-Kadhimi and do not trust him. They even want to remove him from office.

Despite multiple rounds of dialogue, Tehran believes it has the right to interfere in the internal affairs of its neighbors.

Hassan Al-Mustafa

Another reason for the postponement is that Iran feels that it has partially lost on the ground in Yemen, especially in Marib and with the growing international condemnation of attacks on Saudi Arabia and the UAE by the Houthis, Iran’s ally.
The progress made by the Coalition to Restore Legitimacy in Yemen on the Marib front weakens Iran’s negotiating position. Tehran, through military victories for its allies in Yemen, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon, had been seeking to use force as a negotiating card in its dialogue with Riyadh.
Also, despite Iran’s partial progress regarding the possibility of reviving the nuclear deal with the US, European countries, China and Russia — and the resulting improvement in the performance of its economy — the countries of the region, specifically Saudi Arabia, will not be mere bystanders that have no say or a position. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman expressed Riyadh’s clear position during an interview with The Atlantic magazine this month, in which he said: “I believe any country around the world that has a nuclear bomb — that’s dangerous, regardless if it is Iran or any other country. So we don’t want to see that. And also, we don’t want to see a weak nuclear deal, because that’s going to end up with the same conclusion.”
The Kingdom will, therefore, take all necessary measures to protect its security, especially if the nuclear deal frees up funds for Iran that it will use to support the militias that are loyal to it in the Middle East. This would increase tensions with the countries of the region and may lead to military and security confrontations that are not in the interest of any party.
In the previous four rounds of dialogue, the Iranians were pushing Riyadh to help the country overcome economic sanctions, specifically regarding its energy sector and oil exports. Saudi Arabia’s consistent position angered the Iranians, who called it a lack of response from Riyadh. But the Kingdom believes that economic sanctions are only the result of a problem — Iran’s expansionist behavior in the region — and, if the problem is resolved, these sanctions will disappear and Iran can export its oil easily. Saudi Arabia believes Iran’s behavior has not changed and that, despite multiple rounds of dialogue, Tehran believes it has the right to interfere in the internal affairs of its neighbors.
The most prominent example is Iran’s recent position on the death sentences carried out in Saudi Arabia against 81 people in cases related to terrorism and Saudi national security.

Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Saeed Khatibzadeh decried the executions as an “inhumane act” and denounced the “international silence.” Deputy Speaker of the Iranian Parliament Ali Nikzad also urged the international community to break its silence “toward Saudi Arabia’s inhumane practices.”
However, according to figures published last week by the UN special rapporteur on Iran, the Tehran regime executed at least 280 people last year. Iran is executing more women and more people from minority communities. The special rapporteur also indicated that he had continued to receive consistent information on the use of confessions obtained by torture.
Iran, despite its poor human rights record, does not stop trying to give lessons to others because it sees itself as entitled to interfere in the affairs of its neighbors, even arguing that 41 of the 81 Saudis executed were Shiite Muslims.
The Iranian government wants to use the Shiite card as a pressure tool — a card that benefits it in its regional conflicts, even though Shiite national intellectuals in Saudi Arabia reject these Iranian attempts, stressing that they are Saudi citizens, not Iranians. They also strongly believe that Tehran only cares for its regional interests and is not defending Shiites out of love for them or to protect their rights; otherwise, why violate the rights of Shiite Iranians who criticize the performance of their government?
The Iranians are, in 2022, repeating the same mistake they made in 2016, when they also tried to exploit an internal Saudi event relating to executions. Iran is using these two events as an opportunity for political blackmail, defamation and to put pressure on the Saudi government — attempts that observers believe will have no result.
The Iranian government should read the crown prince’s interview with The Atlantic carefully. He expressed a serious desire for dialogue, saying: “Iran and Saudi Arabia are neighbors forever. We cannot get rid of them and they cannot get rid of us, so it is better for both of us to work it out and to look for ways in which we can coexist.” Highlighting the four rounds of negotiations between the two countries, he said the statements heard from Iranian leaders were welcomed in Saudi Arabia. The crown prince added that the Kingdom will “continue through the details of the negotiations” and voiced hope that a position can be reached that paves the way to a brighter future for both countries.
This Saudi desire — and the Kingdom’s efforts to reduce tensions — cannot be realized unless the Iranians take them seriously, show genuine goodwill on the ground and stop using their allies in Yemen to target Saudi Arabia, otherwise any upcoming rounds of dialogue will be to no avail.

• Hassan Al-Mustafa is a Saudi writer and researcher interested in Islamic movements, the development of religious discourse and the relationship between the Gulf Cooperation Council states and Iran. Twitter: @Halmustafa