Veolia scales up hazardous waste management in global GreenUp push

Veolia scales up hazardous waste management in global GreenUp push
Veolia adapts its hazardous waste strategy to regional specificities, with targeted investments in Europe, North America, the Middle East and Asia-Pacific, combining innovation, acquisitions and infrastructure development. (Supplied)
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Updated 01 July 2025
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Veolia scales up hazardous waste management in global GreenUp push

Veolia scales up hazardous waste management in global GreenUp push
  • French transnational to increase hazardous waste treatment capacity by 50 percent by 2030
  • New Drop technology destroys targeted PFAS up to 99.9999%, a major step forward in fight against ‘forever chemicals’

COURRIERES: As hazardous waste becomes an emerging bottleneck in global industry, environmental services giant Veolia is taking center stage with a bold new road map. At its “Deep Dive Waste to Value” conference held in Courrieres, northern France, the company unveiled a sweeping strategy to expand hazardous waste treatment capacity by 50 percent by 2030 — a key pillar of its broader GreenUp plan to accelerate sustainable infrastructure worldwide.

The event marked a strategic repositioning, beyond the scope of a corporate update. In an age of tightening regulations, industrial transformation and health concerns tied to chemical pollutants, hazardous waste is no longer a passive liability — it is a value stream to be captured, a risk to be neutralized and a global challenge requiring scalable, science-backed solutions.




The Courrieres hazardous waste facility, one of Veolia’s flagship sites, processes about 140,000 tonnes of waste per year. (Supplied)

Veolia executives from across Europe, North America, the Middle East and the Australia–New Zealand region convened at the event, offering insights into how the company is reshaping its global hazardous waste portfolio to meet mounting environmental and regulatory demands.

From PFAS destruction technologies to global acquisitions, Veolia’s leadership outlined how the company plans to lead the next chapter in environmental security — focusing on innovation, infrastructure investment and tailored regional solutions aligned with industry needs.

From buckets of paint to PFAS: the scope of hazardous waste

Hazardous waste comes in various forms — from industrial effluents to household products like leftover paint, expired garden chemicals or solvents. The path to circularity starts not just with large-scale technology, but also with individual action. Next time you have a bucket of unused paint or expired garden products, think again before dumping it into nature — a reminder that sustainable change hinges on both systemic infrastructure and everyday choices.

At scale, Veolia aims to increase its hazardous waste treatment capacity by 530,000 tonnes, eliminate over 9 million tonnes of pollutants annually and increase revenues from this segment by 50 percent by 2030.

According to CEO Estelle Brachlianoff: “Hazardous waste treatment is becoming a strategic bottleneck for several industries. It is also an essential topic for human health and environmental security.”

Macro and micro-scale strategy

Hazardous waste is a global issue requiring both top-down and bottom-up engagement. “We need international cooperation,” Brachlianoff said, “but also change at the household level. Sustainable impact requires both.”

She identified three defining industry drivers: Pollutant removal for health, strategic industrial restructuring and supply chain resilience. “Waste is not waste anymore — it’s an untapped resource,” she added.

Veolia now treats more than 8.7 million tonnes of hazardous waste each year and reported €4.3 billion ($5 billion) in 2024 revenue from its hazardous waste segment. Its portfolio includes advanced capabilities such as strategic metal separation, battery recycling, and thermal treatment across a proprietary lab and incineration network.




Emmanuelle Menning and Estelle Brachlianoff. (Supplied)

Courrieres: Where the science happens

The Courrieres hazardous waste facility, one of Veolia’s flagship sites, processes about 140,000 tonnes of waste per year. Every load undergoes 10–20 tests, then sorting by waste family, followed by incineration or chemical treatment — a full cycle that can take as little as 10 to 45 minutes.

Due to the complexity and infrastructure requirements, treatment investments are closely tied to local waste volumes. When volumes are insufficient, waste may be transported to facilities elsewhere in Europe or beyond.

The PFAS challenge: Veolia’s new Drop Technology

One of the most significant challenges Veolia aims to tackle is PFAS — the persistent, health-risk chemicals often used in industrial and household applications. These “forever chemicals” resist breakdown due to their strong carbon-fluorine bonds and are increasingly under regulatory scrutiny.

In a major announcement, Veolia introduced Drop, its newly patented PFAS destruction technology, developed in-house and now being deployed across its 20 hazardous waste incineration lines in Europe.

Unlike traditional incineration, Drop uses a catalyst-assisted thermal process at more than 900 degrees Celsius, which not only enables destruction and removal efficiency of up to 99.9999 percent for both polymeric and non-polymeric PFAS, but also reduces corrosion and fouling in incineration systems — increasing long-term reliability.

“This is a disruptive innovation capable of eliminating targeted PFAS while preserving industrial infrastructure,” said Catherine Ricou, CEO of Veolia Hazardous Waste Europe. “We’re proud to set a European benchmark in PFAS treatment.”

Global markets and local solutions

Executives across regions presented how Veolia’s strategy is adapted to local contexts:

In Europe, Ricou highlighted four strategic pillars: Network strength, asset diversity, a granular customer base and innovation. With 20 operational sites handling waste from sectors like pharmaceuticals and households, the company is targeting 10 percent compound annual growth rate in hazardous waste EBITDA.

In North America, Bob Cappadona, president and CEO of Veolia Environmental Solutions and Services, highlighted recent acquisitions in Massachusetts and California, and the commissioning of one of the continent’s largest PFAS treatment facilities in Delaware.

From the Middle East, Helder Daravano, Veolia general manager of MAGMA, said the region is growing “twice as fast as Europe” despite being one-quarter its size. New facilities in Saudi Arabia (Tahweel) and the UAE (MAGMA) are positioning Veolia as a full-service player in the region.

In Australia and New Zealand, Matt Ead, Veolia’s national remediation services manager, detailed a shift from landfilling to pretreatment, supported by M&A activity and market-specific strategies.




Estelle Brachlianoff and Veolia executives at the "Deep Dive Waste to Value" conference in Courrières - France. (Supplied)

Scaling through GreenUp: investments and M&A

To meet rising demand, Veolia’s GreenUp program outlines both organic and acquisitive growth:

  • Five new treatment facilities are under development across the US, Europe, Middle East and Asia.
  • An additional 285,000 tonnes of capacity will be added by 2027, with a total of 430,000 tonnes by 2030.
  • $354 million in acquisitions across the US, Brazil, and Japan will contribute 100,000 tonnes of capacity.

Emmanuelle Menning, deputy CEO finance and purchasing, described the approach as a formula balancing growth, performance and capital allocation, adding that hazardous waste — particularly high-temperature incineration — remains one of Veolia’s most profitable segments.

Environmental security and strategic autonomy

“At Veolia, we are architects of environmental security. Our objective is to protect strategic autonomy,” said Brachlianoff, highlighting the company’s commitment to global agreements like the Basel Convention, ensuring waste does not get exported to less-regulated regions.

At Courrieres, which operates at 94–96 percent capacity, Veolia plans to reconfigure its boilers by 2028 to make the plant energy autonomous. The site today handles 80 percent domestic (Northern France) and 20 percent international waste, including from Italy.

Waste is no longer waste

The overarching takeaway: Hazardous waste is no longer just an environmental liability — it is a strategic resource, a public health priority and a business imperative. As Veolia aligns innovation with policy, technology and investment, it is helping set the global standard for the future of sustainable waste management.


Aid truck drivers face increasing danger from desperate crowds, armed gangs

Aid truck drivers face increasing danger from desperate crowds, armed gangs
Updated 5 sec ago
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Aid truck drivers face increasing danger from desperate crowds, armed gangs

Aid truck drivers face increasing danger from desperate crowds, armed gangs
  • Thousands of people packed the road around them on Monday as two trucks entered southern Gaza, as shown in AP video

GAZA CITY: Truck drivers trying to deliver aid inside Gaza say their work has become increasingly dangerous in recent months as people have grown desperately hungry and violent gangs have filled a power vacuum left by the territory’s rulers.

Crowds of hungry people routinely rip aid off the backs of moving trucks, the local drivers said. 

Some trucks are hijacked by armed men working for gangs who sell the aid in Gaza’s markets for exorbitant prices. Israeli troops often shoot into the chaos, they said.

Drivers have been killed in the mayhem.

Since March, when Israel ended a ceasefire in its war with Hamas and halted all imports, the situation has grown increasingly dire in the territory of some 2 million Palestinians. International experts are now warning of a “worst-case scenario of famine” in Gaza.

FASTFACT

Nahed Sheheibr, head of the Special Transport Association, accused Israel of detaining drivers and using them as human shields.

Under heavy international pressure, Israel last week announced measures to let more aid into Gaza. Though aid groups say it’s still not enough, getting even that amount from the border crossings to the people who need it is difficult and extremely dangerous, the drivers said.

Thousands of people packed the road around them on Monday as two trucks entered southern Gaza, as shown in AP video. 

Young men overwhelmed the trucks, standing on the cabs’ roofs, dangling from the sides, and clambering over each other onto the truck beds to grab boxes even as the trucks slowly kept driving.

“Some of my drivers are scared to go transfer aid because they’re concerned about how they’ll untangle themselves from large crowds of people,” said Abu Khaled Selim, vice president of the Special Transport Association, a nonprofit group that works with private transportation companies across the Gaza Strip and advocates for truck drivers’ rights.

Selim said his nephew, Ashraf Selim, a father of eight, was killed July 29 by a stray bullet when Israeli forces opened fire on crowds climbing onto the aid truck he was driving.

Shifa Hospital officials said they received his body with an apparent gunshot to the head. 

Earlier in the war, aid deliveries were safer because, with more food getting into Gaza, the population was less desperate. Hamas-run police had been seen securing convoys and went after suspected looters and merchants who resold aid at exorbitant prices,

Now, “with the situation unsecured, everything is permissible,” said Selim, who appealed for protection so the aid trucks could reach warehouses.

The UN does not accept protection from Israeli forces, saying it would violate its rules of neutrality, and said that given the urgent need for aid, it would accept that hungry people were going to grab food off the back of the trucks as long as they weren’t violent.

Flooding Gaza with renewed aid would ease the desperation and make things safer for the drivers, said Juliette Touma, communications director at UNRWA, the UN agency for Palestinian refugees.

Ali Al-Derbashi, 22, had been an aid truck driver for more than a year and a half, but he quit after his last trip three weeks ago due to the increasing danger, he said. Some people taking aid off the trucks are now carrying cleavers, knives, and axes, he said.

He was once ambushed and forcibly redirected to an area designated by Israel as a conflict zone in its war against Hamas. There, everything was stolen, including his truck’s fuel and batteries, and his tires were shot out, he said. He was beaten and his phone was stolen.

“We put our lives in danger for this. We leave our families for two or three days every time. And we don’t even have water or food ourselves,” he said. 

In addition to the danger, the drivers faced humiliation from Israeli forces, he said, who put them through “prolonged searches, unclear instructions, and hours of waiting.”

The war began Oct. 7, 2023, when Hamas-led militants killed around 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and abducted 251 others. Israel’s retaliatory offensive has killed more than 61,000 Palestinians, according to the latest figures by Gaza’s Health Ministry, which doesn’t distinguish between militants and civilians and operates under the Hamas government.

The threats come from everywhere

Nahed Sheheibr, head of the Special Transport Association, said the danger for the drivers comes from everywhere. 

He accused Israel of detaining drivers and using them as human shields. 

In recent days, men linked to a violent Gaza clan fired at drivers, injuring one, and looted a convoy of 14 trucks, he said. They later looted a convoy of 10 trucks.

Hossni Al-Sharafi, who runs a trucking company and was an aid driver himself, said he is only allowed to use drivers who have no political affiliation and have been approved by Israel to transport aid from crossings.

Al-Sharafi said he was detained by Israeli forces for more than 10 days last year while transporting aid from the southern Kerem Shalom crossing and interrogated about where the truck was headed and how the aid was being distributed. Israeli officials did not comment on the accusations.

Some drivers spoke of being shot at repeatedly by armed gangs. 

Others said their trucks were routinely picked clean — even of the wooden pallets— by waves of desperate people, many of whom were fighting each other for the food, while Israeli troops were shooting. Hungry families who miss out on the aid throw stones at the trucks in anger.

Anas Rabea said the moment he pulled out of the Zikkim crossing last week, his aid truck was overwhelmed by a crowd.

“Our instructions are to stop, because we don’t want to run anyone over,” he said. 

“It’s crazy. You have people climbing all over the cargo, over the windows. It’s like you’re blind, you can’t see out.”

After the crowd had stripped everything, he drove another few hundred meters and was stopped by an armed gang that threatened to shoot him. They searched the truck and took a bag of flour he had saved for himself, he said.

“Every time we go out, we get robbed,” he said. “It’s getting worse day by day.”

 


Hezbollah rejects timetable for disarmament as Lebanese Cabinet forms plan for arms restrictions

Hezbollah rejects timetable for disarmament as Lebanese Cabinet forms plan for arms restrictions
Updated 1 min 48 sec ago
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Hezbollah rejects timetable for disarmament as Lebanese Cabinet forms plan for arms restrictions

Hezbollah rejects timetable for disarmament as Lebanese Cabinet forms plan for arms restrictions
  • Lebanese government tells army to prepare plan for state control of all weapons by end of the year, and present it to ministers this month
  • Secretary-General of Hezbollah Naim Qassem: The state must take steps to ensure protection, not strip its citizens and resistance of their power

BEIRUT: The Lebanese Cabinet met at the Presidential Palace on Tuesday to discuss the most sensitive item on its agenda: the disarming of Hezbollah and the need to restrict control of weaponry to the state.

However, ministers faced pressure from Hezbollah’s secretary-general, Naim Qassem, and his supporters amid external diplomatic counterpressures.

The session, chaired by Prime Minister Nawaf Salam and attended by President Joseph Aoun, lasted for about five hours, with the proceedings shrouded in secrecy. It concluded with an announcement by Salam that the Cabinet had decided to continue the discussions, and to implement proposals presented by US envoy Tom Barrack, during their next meeting on Thursday. They will also ask the Lebanese army to develop a plan to restrict control of arms to the state by the end of the year, and present it to the Cabinet by the end of this month.

A political observer told Arab News: “Lebanon has received foreign diplomatic calls to refrain from delaying the approval of the arms-restriction clause and setting a timetable for its implementation. Otherwise, Lebanon will be left to its own fate, in the absence of any guarantees that Israel will, in return, withdraw from the positions it still occupies within Lebanese territory.”

Qassem responded to the Cabinet meeting with a vehement speech in which he said: “The state must take steps to ensure protection, not strip its citizens and resistance of their power. The international community cannot intervene merely to demand that Lebanon achieve Israel’s goals.”

Beginning on Tuesday morning, the army carried out security operations on the old Sidon road that separates Beirut’s southern suburbs from the city and its eastern suburbs. Their activities blocked demonstrators who attempted to leave the area on motorcycles during the Cabinet meeting in a show of support for Qassem.

It came as political and security officials intensified coordination in an attempt to contain street protests and prevent any activity they feared might threaten stability.

Beirut has been gripped by anxiety in the past few days, which has affected normally vibrant evening street activity. On Monday night, dozens of Hezbollah-supporting motorcyclists roamed the streets of the capital, chanting “long live Hassan Nasrallah,” the former secretary-general of Hezbollah who was assassinated by an Israeli airstrike on southern Beirut in September last year.

During his speech, Qassem said that “any discussion about Lebanon’s future security must be based on a comprehensive national security strategy, not on timetables aimed at disarming the resistance.”

He rejected the demands that Hezbollah disarm, warning that any attempt to impose such action without broad national agreement would fail.

“The resistance is an integral part of the Lebanese fabric and of the Taif Accord itself,” he said, referring to the 1989 agreement that ended the 15-year Lebanese Civil War.

“Therefore it cannot be treated as a matter subject to a vote, or cancellation by a numerical majority. Rather, it must be discussed through national consensus, out of respect for constitutional and charter principles.”

Ignoring this reality, regardless of international or regional pressures, would “undermine the foundations of stability in Lebanon,” he added

Qassem also said that “the American presence in Lebanon aims to dismantle the power and capabilities of Hezbollah, and Lebanon as a whole,” and the latest, third memorandum on the issue from Barrack, the US envoy, was “worse than the first and second.”

He added: “Among its provisions is the dismantling of 50 percent of Hezbollah’s infrastructure within 30 days, including hand grenades and mortar shells, i.e. weapons considered simple, and these measures should be completed before Israel withdraws from the five remaining points on the border.”

Qassem said that “what Barrack brought is entirely in Israel’s interest” and added: “We cannot adhere to any timetable for dismantling Lebanon’s power that is implemented under the umbrella of Israeli aggression.

“If Israel chooses a large-scale aggression against Lebanon, missiles will fall upon it. All the security that Israel has worked to achieve for eight months will collapse in a single hour.”

He added that if Hezbollah surrendered its weapons, “the aggression will not stop, and this is what Israeli officials are saying. We will not accept being slaves to anyone. To anyone who speaks of concessions under the pretext of halting funding, we ask: what funding is he talking about?

“Prime Minister Nawaf Salam boasts of his commitment to taking measures to liberate all occupied territories, but where are these measures?”

The atmosphere in the 24 hours leading up to the Cabinet meeting was increasingly tense. Pro-Hezbollah activists took to social media to recall the bloody events of May 7, 2008, when the group’s members, wearing black shirts, took to the streets of Beirut and Mount Lebanon and clashed with supporters of the Future Movement and the Progressive Socialist Party, in an attempt was to overturn a decision by the Lebanese government at the time to confiscate the communications network belonging Hezbollah's Signal Corps, and to dismiss the then commander of Beirut Airport Security, Brig. Gen. Wafiq Shuqair, who was close to Hezbollah.

Ahead of Tuesday’s meeting, government ministers from the Amal Movement stressed that they supported efforts to restrict control of weapons to the state. Fadi Makki denied that ministers from Amal and Hezbollah would withdraw from the session, and Hanin Al-Sayyed said she would “vote in favor of restricting Hezbollah’s weapons.”

However, Rakan Nasser Al-Din, a Hezbollah member of the government, said only: “Anything will be done according to its requirements.”

A proposal circulated later on Tuesday stated that Lebanese authorities will “refer the implementation of the arms-control agreement to the Supreme Defense Council, headed by the president of the republic. This referral means assigning the Lebanese army the responsibility of planning and preparing for the implementation phases, as the matter relates to technical military matters. Some weapons need to be destroyed, while others need to be dismantled.”

During a speech on Aug 1., celebrated annually as Lebanese Army Day, President Aoun told the country that “this is a fateful phase and all illusions have fallen. Let us together make a historic decision to authorize the army alone to bear arms and protect the borders for all of us.”


Lebanon tasks army with setting plan to restrict arms to state

Lebanon tasks army with setting plan to restrict arms to state
Updated 10 min 11 sec ago
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Lebanon tasks army with setting plan to restrict arms to state

Lebanon tasks army with setting plan to restrict arms to state
  • Salam said the government “tasked the Lebanese army with setting an implementation plan to restrict weapons” to the army
  • The plan is to be presented to the cabinet by the end of August for discussion and approval

BEIRUT: Lebanon’s government on Tuesday tasked the army with developing a plan to restrict arms to the state by year end, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam said, an unprecedented move that paves the way for disarming Hezbollah.

After a nearly six-hour cabinet session headed by President Joseph Aoun on disarming the Iran-backed militant group, Salam said the government “tasked the Lebanese army with setting an implementation plan to restrict weapons” to the army and other state forces “before the end of this year.”

The plan is to be presented to the cabinet by the end of August for discussion and approval, he told a press conference after the marathon session.

A November ceasefire deal that sought to end more than a year of hostilities including two months of all-out war between Israel and Hezbollah stated that Lebanese government authorities such as the army, security forces and local police are “the exclusive bearers of weapons in Lebanon.”

Salam said the cabinet would continue discussions this week on a proposal from US envoy Tom Barrack that includes a timetable for disarming Hezbollah.

Information Minister Paul Morcos said that the cabinet “set a deadline of the end of the year to consolidate arms in the hands of the Lebanese state.”

He said Hezbollah-affiliated Health Minister Rakan Nassereldine and Environment Minister Tamara Elzein, who is affiliated with its ally the Amal movement, “withdrew from the session because they did not agree with the cabinet decision.”

Hezbollah chief Naim Qassem had said a short time earlier, as the cabinet was in session, that “any timetable presented for implementation under... Israeli aggression cannot be agreed to.”

“Whoever looks at the deal Barrack brought doesn’t find an agreement but dictates,” he said, arguing that “it removes the strength and capabilities of Hezbollah and Lebanon entirely.”


How Israel’s Netanyahu created a monster in Gaza — which came back to bite him

How Israel’s Netanyahu created a monster in Gaza — which came back to bite him
Updated 4 min 35 sec ago
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How Israel’s Netanyahu created a monster in Gaza — which came back to bite him

How Israel’s Netanyahu created a monster in Gaza — which came back to bite him
  • Netanyahu empowered Hamas as a counterweight to the Palestinian Authority, weakening momentum toward a two-state solution
  • Despite warnings, the Israeli PM misjudged Hamas’s intentions before Oct. 7, 2023, prioritizing political advantage over security

LONDON: Politics often gives rise to unexpected partnerships, which might at first glance seem illogical — even outright irrational. But for those who broker them, there is usually some inherent logic. In the case of the partnership between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the Palestinian militant group Hamas, however, they can also be twisted and destructive.

The relationship between Netanyahu and Hamas, which began long before the Oct. 7, 2023 attack that triggered the war in Gaza, is a prime example of a complete misreading by the Israeli prime minister of the true intentions of this fundamentalist organization, which would have tragic repercussions for both peoples.

What brings Netanyahu and Hamas together is that neither appear to have any interest in solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through a compromise that could lead to a two-state solution. For the longest-serving Israeli prime minister in the country’s history, averting an end to the conflict based on ending the occupation and agreeing to a two-state solution is his life’s mission.

James Dorsey of the Middle East Institute believes Netanyahu has developed a symbiotic relationship with the hardliners on both sides of the Israeli-Palestinian divide as a tool for sabotaging any progress toward a peace process — let alone a successful conclusion.

Netanyahu needed Hamas and Hamas needed Netanyahu. (Reuters)

One telling instance came soon after Netanyahu was first elected as prime minister in 1996 and Israel unexpectedly dropped the request made by his predecessor, Shimon Peres, for Hamas political bureau member Mousa Abu Marzouk to be extradited from the US, where he was a resident, against the advice of the security establishment.

This enabled a major Hamas figure to continue his advocacy for armed resistance freely from outside Gaza after his deportation to Jordan.

One might think that a right-wing leader, at a time when other Hamas leaders were in Israeli jails, including its founder, Sheikh Ahmad Yasin, would be keen to put someone with Abu Marzouk’s history behind bars.

That is unless Netanyahu already saw the potential in Hamas, with its total resistance to Israel’s existence, of keeping him in power, allowing him to become increasingly authoritarian, and leaving the two-state solution as an eternally hypothetical option.

The relationship between Netanyahu and Hamas is a prime example of a complete misreading by the Israeli prime minister. (AFP/File)

In the symbiotic relationship between the two, Netanyahu needed Hamas and Hamas needed Netanyahu, because they justified each other’s existence in convincing their respective constituencies that they are each other’s antidote.

Preserving the relevance of Hamas in Palestinian politics and the conflict with Israel have become key instruments in Netanyahu’s strategy of preventing Palestine from becoming a state, mainly by maintaining divisions within Palestinian society.

The victory of Hamas in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council election against the governing Fatah movement played into the hands of Netanyahu. He further relished the violent split in Gaza a year later between Fatah and Hamas, which left Fatah, led by President Mahmoud Abbas, in control of the West Bank and Hamas in control of Gaza.

Residents walk past burnt-out vehicles in Ashkelon following a rocket attack from the Gaza Strip into Israel on October 7, 2023. (AFP/File)

With the Palestinian polity divided politically and territorially, and bad blood between the two factions, Netanyahu saw more than ever the opportunity to divide and conquer.

He is not the only one in Israeli politics to harbor this Machiavellian approach. Bezalel Smotrich, now Israel’s finance minister and one of the most extreme representatives of the settlers’ movement in the cabinet, told the Knesset Channel in 2015: “Hamas is an asset and Abu Mazen (Mahmoud Abbas) is a burden.”

Speaking to Israeli media outlet Makor Rison in 2019, one of Netanyahu’s closest advisers, Jonathan Urich, praised the Israeli prime minister for succeeding “in achieving severance” between Gaza and the West Bank and “effectively smashed the vision of the Palestinian state in those two regions.”

Israeli destruction of North Gaza. (Reuters/File)

One of the ploys to keep the Palestinian political system divided and paralyzed, many times with the unfortunate helping hand of Palestinian factions themselves, is to make it impossible to conduct free and fair elections. Such elections would offer the victor both domestic and international legitimacy, allowing them to advocate with enhanced credibility for an end to Israeli occupation.

On the rare occasion that holding elections seemed to be possible, as was the case in the spring of 2021, Israel created obstacles, such as ignoring the EU’s request to access the Palestinian occupied territories to observe the elections, in violation of the Oslo accords, and refusing to allow for East Jerusalemites to vote, knowing that without their participation, no Palestinian leader would agree to hold elections.

Elections, therefore, have not been held for nearly 20 years. This democratic deficit is constantly exacerbated, allowing Israel under Netanyahu to maintain that neither the leadership of Gaza or the West Bank are legitimate or credible entities with which to conduct peace negotiations, and question why it should negotiate with one faction while the other might reject any agreement anyway.

It is hardly an honest argument for an Israeli prime minister who has undermined every attempt at reconciliation between Hamas and the Palestinian Authority. Worse for him and Israel, it served to maintain the apparent status quo, which imploded in the deadliest day in Israel’s history on Oct. 7, 2023.

A Palestinian woman carries a child as she walks past destroyed buildings in Khan Younis. (Reuters/File)

In Netanyahu’s world, it is impossible to separate between what serves him personally and his political creed. Still, the leitmotif of opposing the two-state solution goes back to the Oslo accords. His name is closely associated with incitement against the agreement and those who signed it. It propelled him to his first term as prime minister and five subsequent terms.

When he expressed support for a two-state solution, it was for tactical reasons, under US pressure, or because he tried to form a coalition with more centrist elements in Israeli politics, but without conviction or the intention to ever make it happen.

When he returned to power in 2009, Netanyahu was more determined than ever to weaken the Palestinian Authority and its president, Abbas, with measures such as downgrading the cooperation between the Israeli and Palestinian security forces in their fight against Hamas.

A future independent state commission of enquiry into the Oct. 7 attack will have to address the folly of Netanyahu in propping up Hamas and how it enabled this major security lapse to occur. (AFP/File)

Years later, in 2018, when Abbas decided to entirely halt the transfer of money to Gaza, leaving the Hamas-led government teetering on the brink of collapse, Netanyahu was the one who came to its rescue, with the ill-advised idea of encouraging a flow of cash from Qatar, literally in suitcases, into the hands of Hamas.

It was alleged that $30 million passed through the Rafah crossing into Hamas coffers every month until October 2023. In addition, under the current Netanyahu government, Israel sanctioned more work permits than it had ever allowed prior to Hamas winning power.

While it improved the dire economic situation in Gaza, it provided Hamas with the resources to build tunnels and purchase weapons.

In Netanyahu’s world, it is impossible to separate between what serves him personally and his political creed. (AFP/File)

It has gradually transpired that Netanyahu was warned by security chiefs in the months leading up to the Oct. 7 attack that Hamas was preparing for another round of violence with Israel. At that point, however, he was too invested in the paradigm that Hamas had been pacified and had no interest in rattling the Israeli cage that might risk its hold on power.

A future independent state commission of enquiry into the Oct. 7 attack will have to address the folly of Netanyahu in propping up Hamas and how it enabled this major security lapse to occur.

 


Witkoff and Trump discussed plans for US to increase role in aid to Gaza, Axios reports

Witkoff and Trump discussed plans for US to increase role in aid to Gaza, Axios reports
Updated 53 min 23 sec ago
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Witkoff and Trump discussed plans for US to increase role in aid to Gaza, Axios reports

Witkoff and Trump discussed plans for US to increase role in aid to Gaza, Axios reports
  • The Trump administration will “take over” management of the humanitarian effort in Gaza

WASHINGTON: US special envoy Steve Witkoff and President Donald Trump discussed plans for Washington to significantly increase its role in providing humanitarian aid to Gaza, Axios reported on Tuesday, citing two US officials and an Israeli official.

The report said the discussions took place in a meeting between Witkoff and Trump on Monday at the White House, adding Israel supported the increased US role.

Axios cited a US official as saying the Trump administration will “take over” management of the humanitarian effort in Gaza because Israel is not handling it adequately.