Who bears responsibility for delaying Palestinian statehood?

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According to an op-ed in the widely circulated Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper, there are fears in Israel that the Biden administration may back a UN Security Council resolution calling for an independent Palestinian state before President Joe Biden’s term ends in the coming weeks. The article, penned by former Israeli Ambassador to Washington Michael Oren, carries particular weight given both the newspaper’s influential position in Israeli society and Oren’s deep understanding of US-Israeli relations and broader Middle East policy. Should Biden pursue such an initiative, Oren suggests it would be motivated less by Palestinian advocacy and more by a desire to challenge Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his allies, who have taken an increasingly confrontational stance, even toward America.

This debate echoes questions raised in last week’s discussions about accountability in the Palestinian leadership. When should the Palestinian people demand answers from their leaders about diplomatic strategies and negotiation outcomes? The historical record of the past three decades clearly demonstrates a pattern of missed opportunities and leadership shortcomings in achieving even basic independence.

Effective peace negotiations, just like warfare, require strategic flexibility — knowing when to press forward and when to step back

Bakir Oweida

Effective peace negotiations, just like warfare, require strategic flexibility — knowing when to press forward and when to step back. A stark example of a missed opportunity came 26 years ago, when President Bill Clinton made a bold diplomatic gesture by visiting Gaza on Dec. 13, 1998. At what was meant to be the future site of Palestine’s international airport, Clinton and his wife Hillary were welcomed by Palestinian President Yasser Arafat and his wife Suha. Clinton had privately assured multiple Arab officials of his intention to announce his backing for Palestinian statehood from the UN podium before leaving office.

The stark contrast between those aspirations and today's reality raises pressing questions for Palestinians about their leadership’s handling of the conflict. Today’s Palestinians have the right to question how their various political factions have managed these diplomatic battles on their behalf — not just regarding recent events like the Al-Aqsa Flood attack, but throughout the entire course of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

While each phase of a national struggle has its unique political constraints, there is value in examining past decisions to avoid repeating historical missteps. Palestinian miscalculations dating back to the 1947 UN Partition Plan — with the 77th anniversary of its adoption approaching — have repeatedly cost opportunities for statehood and resulted in territorial losses. The Gaza Strip, once central to Palestinian aspirations, may never return to its previous state.

Does lamenting these lost opportunities serve any purpose? Perhaps yes, if it helps prevent further displacement.

  • Bakir Oweida is a Palestinian journalist who pursued a professional career in journalism in Libya in 1968, where he worked at Al-Haqiqa newspaper in Benghazi, then Al-Balagh and Al-Jihad in Tripoli. He has written for several Arab publications in Britain since 1978. He worked at Al-Arab newspaper, Al-Thadamun magazine and the international Arabic newspaper Asharq Al-Awsat. He has also worked as a consultant at the online newspaper Elaph.

This article first appeared in Asharq Al-Awsat.