Will Turkiye and Syria succeed in turning the page on decade-long enmity?
Will Turkiye and Syria succeed in turning the page on decade-long enmity?/node/2553811/middle-east
Will Turkiye and Syria succeed in turning the page on decade-long enmity?
Protesters in opposition-held Idlib and the Aleppo countryside wave flags of the Syrian revolution and hold signs that read: ‘If you want to get closer to Assad, congratulations, the curse of history is upon you.’ (AN photo by Ahmed Akasha)
ATHENS/QAMISHLI, Syria: Since 2022, senior Syrian and Turkish officials have periodically met in Moscow for talks mediated by Russia. But those meetings have failed to result in a thaw in their icy relations.
It is a different matter now, however, with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan announcing his desire to restore formal ties with his Syrian counterpart, Bashar Assad.
He said earlier this month that he could invite Assad to Turkiye “at any moment,” to which the Syrian leader responded that any meeting would depend on the “content.”
Ankara and Damascus severed diplomatic ties in 2011 following the eruption of Syria’s civil war. Relations have remained hostile ever since, particularly as Turkiye continues to support armed groups resisting the Assad regime.
Since the civil war erupted in 2011, Turkiye has supported armed Syrian factions in their fight against the regime of President Bashar Assad. (AFP)
What, then, is the motivation for changing course now? And what are the likely consequences of Turkish-Syrian normalization of ties?
Syrian writer and political researcher Shoresh Darwish believes President Erdogan is pursuing normalization for two reasons. “The first is preparation for the possibility of the arrival of a new American administration led by Donald Trump, which means the possibility of a return to the policy of (a US) withdrawal from Syria,” he told Arab News.
“Erdogan will therefore need to cooperate with Assad and Russia.”
This photo released by the Syrian Arab News Agency shows President Bashar Assad (R) meeting with then Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Aleppo. (SANA/AFP)
The second reason, Darwish says, is Erdogan’s desire to get closer to Syrian regime ally Russia after Turkiye’s drift toward the US following the outbreak of war in Ukraine. Indeed, as a NATO member state, the conflict has complicated Turkiye’s normally balanced approach to its ties with Washington and Moscow.
“Ankara’s cooperation with Moscow is difficult in terms of the Ukrainian issue,” said Darwish. “As a result of the significant Western interference in this issue, their cooperation in Syria represents a meeting point through which Erdogan wants to highlight his friendship with Putin and Moscow’s interests in the Middle East.”
Those in Syria’s opposition-held northwest, which is backed by Turkiye, see an Ankara-Damascus rapprochement as a betrayal.
Protesters in opposition-held Idlib and the Aleppo countryside wave flags of the Syrian revolution and hold signs that read: ‘If you want to get closer to Assad, congratulations, the curse of history is upon you.’ (AN photo by Ahmed Akasha)
During one of several protests in Idlib since the beginning of July, demonstrators held signs in Arabic that read: “If you want to get closer to Assad, congratulations, the curse of history is upon you.”
Abdulkarim Omar, a political activist from Idlib, told Arab News: “Western Syria, Idlib, the Aleppo countryside, and all areas belonging to the opposition completely reject this behavior because it is only in the interest of the Syrian regime.
Turkish-backed Syrian rebel fighters take part in a military parade in the rebel-held northern part of the Aleppo province on July 2, 2022. (AFP)
“The Syrian people came out 13 years ago and rose up in their revolution demanding freedom, dignity, and the building of a civil, democratic state for all Syrians. This can only be achieved by overthrowing the tyrannical Syrian regime represented by Bashar Assad. They still cling to this principle and these slogans and cannot abandon them.”
Those living in areas controlled by the Kurdish-led and US-backed Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, or AANES, which holds much of Syria’s territory east of the Euphrates River, are also wary of the consequences of normalization.
Map of Syria showing zones of control by the different partipants in late 2020. Some cities then under the control of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces had been seized by Turkish forces. (AFP/File)
“There are fears among the population that reconciliation may be a prelude to punishing the Syrian Kurds for their political choices,” said Omar.
Incursions into Syria from 2016 to 2019 saw Turkiye take control of several cities, many of which were previously under the control of the AANES.
Turkiye’s justification for its 2018 and 2019 incursions and continued presence on Syrian territory was its aim to establish a “safe zone” between itself and the armed forces of the AANES — the Syrian Democratic Forces.
A member of the Syrian Kurdish Asayish security forces stands guard as mourners march during the funeral of two Kurdish women killed in a Turkish drone strike in Hasakah, northeastern Syria, on June 21, 2023. (AFP)
Turkiye views the SDF as a Syrian wing of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, a group that has been in conflict with the Turkish state since the 1980s.
“Naturally, the Syrian Kurds know that they will be part of any deal that Erdogan wants to conclude with Assad,” said Darwish. “This issue unnerves the Syrian Kurds, who see Turkiye as ready to do anything to harm them and their experience in self-administration.”
Darwish says the Syrian Kurds would accept reconciliation on three conditions. First they would want to see Turkiye remove its troops from Afrin and Ras Al-Ain. Second, an end to Turkish strikes against AANES areas. And third, a guarantee from the Assad regime “that the Syrian Kurds will enjoy their national, cultural, and administrative rights.”
In this photo taken on January 27, 2018, a Turkish military convoy drives through the Oncupinar border crossing as troops enter Syria during a military campaign in the Kurdish-held Syrian enclave of Afrin. (AFP/File)
But just how likely is a rapprochement between Ankara and Damascus? Not very, according to conflict analyst and UNHRC delegate Thoreau Redcrow. “I find the prospects of an Erdogan and Assad detente very unlikely,” he told Arab News.
“Historically, Turkiye’s ideas of ‘normalization’ with Syria amount to a policy of one-way influence for Ankara’s benefit. In this arrangement, Turkiye continues to occupy Hatay (Liwa Iskenderun), which they seized from Syria in 1938, and make military incursion demands on their sovereignty, like with the Adana Agreement in 1998, but give nothing in return.”
Assad has made it clear in public statements that a meeting between him and Erdogan would only occur on the condition of a Turkish withdrawal from Syrian territory. Redcrow believes Turkiye has no intention of leaving.
“I cannot see Damascus being interested in being manipulated for a photo-op,” he said. “The Syrian government is far more prideful than some of the other regional actors who are happy to be one of Turkiye’s ‘neo-Ottoman vilayets.’”
Erdogan may be attempting to capitalize on the trend toward normalization among Arab countries, which began in earnest with Syria’s reinstatement into the Arab League last year. European states and the US, however, remain divided.
A parade by female staff of the internal security and police force of the US-backed AANES, which governs much of Syria’s territory east of the Euphrates River. (AN photo by Ali Ali)
“Whereas Germany, France, Italy, and the UK in particular are more focused on how Turkiye can control the gateway into Europe and act as a ‘continental bouncer’ for refugees from the Middle East and Western Asia, the US is more focused on denying Russia and Iran full access to all of Syria again for strategic reasons, like Mediterranean Sea access and the ‘Shiite land bridge’ from Tehran to Beirut,” said Redcrow.
“The current status quo is far more beneficial to Washington than any reconciliation would be, as it would also endanger the northeast portions of Syria, where the US military is embedded with their most reliable military partners against Daesh in the SDF. So, Turkiye would not be given any kind of green light to place American interests at risk.”
The US House of Representatives in February passed the Assad Regime Anti-Normalization Act of 2023, which prohibits any normalization with Assad. In a post on the social media platform X on July 12, the bill’s author, Rep. Joe Wilson, voiced his disappointment with Erdogan’s calls for normalization, likening it to “normalizing with death itself.”
Troops from the Syrian Democratic Forces and the US-led anti-jihadist coalition, take part in heavy-weaponry military exercises in the countryside of Deir Ezzor in northeastern Syria, on March 25, 2022. ((AFP)
Though there may be little chance of reconciliation succeeding at this point, the approximately 3.18 million Syrian refugees living in Turkiye view even rumors of normalization with fear and dread.
“People are very afraid,” Amal Hayat, a Syrian mother of five living in southeastern Turkiye, told Arab News. “Since the rumors (of reconciliation) started, many people don’t even leave their homes. Even if they are beaten by their bosses at work, they are afraid to say anything for fear of being deported.”
Turkish authorities deported more than 57,000 Syrians in 2023, according to Human Rights Watch.
“A forced return would affect us a lot,” said Hayat. “For example, if a woman returns to Syria with her family, her husband may be arrested by the regime. Or if a man gets deported back to Syria and his wife and children stay in Turkiye, how will they manage? It’s difficult. Here, our kids can study. They have stability and safety.
A Syrian woman is seen at a refugee camp near the Syria-Turkish border. (AN photo by Ali Ali)
The fear of deportation has been compounded by waves of violence against Syrian refugees which swept Turkiye’s south in recent weeks. On June 30, residents of central Turkiye’s Kayseri province attacked Syrians and their property.
Anti-Syrian sentiment in Turkiye is partially due to economic issues, where Turks see underpaid or even unpaid Syrians as a threat to their prospects of employment.
“The Turks are very happy for us to return home,” said Hayat. “For them, it’s not soon enough. We are all living under a heightened level of stress. We are just praying that (Assad and Erdogan) don’t reconcile.”
Displaced Gazans face dire conditions in hospital courtyard
Updated 15 sec ago
Other tents clustered nearby give little relief from the sweltering heat, and none from the attacks that have followed them to their new home Conditions are dire across the territory with severe shortages of water, medicine and fuel. Few hospitals are functional
GAZA: Iqbal Al-Zeidi has been going out to retrieve her family’s belongings from the rubble of their home ever since it was destroyed by an Israeli airstrike on Gaza City almost a year ago. Braving more bombardments, she said she has traveled up to the wrecked site, collected bedsheets, clothes and blankets, and brought them back to their shelter — a torn tent in the courtyard of Al-Aqsa Hospital about 10 miles (16km) south in the city of Deir Al-Balah. Other tents clustered nearby give little relief from the sweltering heat, and none from the attacks that have followed them to their new home. On Thursday, four people died when an Israeli airstrike hit tents where other displaced families were living close to the same hospital, local medics said. She is among the millions of Gazans who have been moving up and down the besieged and overcrowded enclave, escaping an attack in one location, only to face more attacks in their new place of refuge. “Our house was a 120-square-meter apartment. Now we live in a tent just 4 meters by 4 meters,” Al-Zeidi said, visibly worn out by the heat. “We left our house under bombing, with nothing — no papers, no certificates, nothing. We are completely erased.”
WORSENING HEALTH CONDITIONS Conditions are dire across the territory with severe shortages of water, medicine and fuel. Few hospitals are functional. The collapse in Gaza’s health system has complicated a host of other unfolding disasters, from a hunger crisis to spreading disease. It has left those with chronic conditions unable to access basic care. “My granddaughter has a heart condition, and we can’t get treatment. I am sick myself, with high blood pressure and diabetes, but I can’t find medication,” Al-Zeidi told Reuters. The conflict erupted on Oct. 7, when Palestinian militant group Hamas attacked southern Israel, killing 1,200 people and taking more than 250 people hostage, according to Israeli tallies. Israel responded with a military campaign that has killed more than 40,861 Palestinians, according to Gaza health authorities. Israel says it goes to great lengths to avoid civilian casualties and has accused Hamas of using human shields and operating from places like schools and hospitals. The group denies the allegations and alleges that Israel bombs Palestinians indiscriminately. Near Al-Aqsa Hospital, Al-Zeidi’s eight-month-old grandson sat inside the tent while other family members looked for shade nearby. “Another month will pass, and we will have been here for a year. We run after food, water, all amidst diseases,” she said.
Life returns to raided West Bank city as Israeli army withdraws
Days of destructive incursions by soldiers backed by armored vehicles and bulldozers
Israel has occupied the West Bank since 1967 and its forces regularly make incursions into Palestinian communities
Updated 06 September 2024
AFP
JENIN, Palestinian Territories: The Israeli army withdrew from the city of Jenin and its refugee camp on Friday after a 10-day operation that left 36 dead across the occupied West Bank, witnesses said.
After days of destructive incursions by soldiers backed by armored vehicles and bulldozers, residents who had fled began returning to their homes in the camp, a bastion of Palestinian armed groups fighting against Israel, AFP journalists said.
On August 28, the army launched a military operation in several cities and towns of the northern West Bank including Jenin.
It said in a statement on Friday that Israeli forces “have been conducting counterterrorism activity in the area of Jenin,” without confirming a withdrawal.
“Israeli security forces are continuing to act in order to achieve the objectives of the counterterrorism operation,” the statement said.
Over the course of the operation in Jenin, Israeli forces killed 14 militants, arrested 30 suspects, dismantled “approximately 30 explosives planted under roads” and conducted four aerial strikes, the statement said.
One Israeli soldier was killed in Jenin, where most of the Palestinian fatalities have occurred.
Hamas, whose October 7 attack on southern Israel triggered the ongoing war in Gaza, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad have said at least 14 of the dead were militants.
Aziz Taleb, a 48-year-old father of seven, returned to his family home of 20 years to find soldiers had raided it.
“Thank God (the children) left the day before. They went to stay with our neighbors here,” he said.
“If they had stayed, they would have been killed without warning or anything,” he said as he surveyed the damage, glass crunching under his feet.
Many homes in Jenin camp were damaged or destroyed by army bulldozers and pavement was stripped from the roads.
Residents used bulldozers of their own to begin clearing the rubble on Friday after Israeli armored vehicles left, AFP journalists reported.
The early trickle of returning residents turned into a flood, and soon children were playing in the streets.
Israel has occupied the West Bank since 1967 and its forces regularly make incursions into Palestinian communities, but the latest raids as well as hawkish comments by Israeli officials signaled an escalation, residents said.
Since the Gaza war began on October 7, Israeli troops or settlers have killed at least 661 Palestinians in the West Bank, according to the Palestinian health ministry.
At least 23 Israelis, including security forces, have been killed in Palestinian attacks in the territory during the same period, according to Israeli officials.
Rift over ultra-Orthodox education funding deepens Israeli coalition woes
The ultra-Orthodox parties have been less vocal about the conduct of the war but have fought hard for benefits for their Haredi community
Tensions have run especially high over the recent abolition of an exemption long enjoyed by Haredi men from conscription into the military
Updated 06 September 2024
Reuters
JERUSALEM: Israel’s ultra-Orthodox parties, already at odds with coalition partners over demands to draft young religious men into the army, are again testing the unity of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government with a challenge over education funding.
The latest rift centers on an ultra-Orthodox push for schools in their separate education system to receive the same benefits as state-run schools, especially their “New Horizon” program that adds school hours and sharply hikes teacher pay.
“For a year we have been fighting for the entry of ‘New Horizon’ into ultra-Orthodox institutions. There is no reason for our teachers to be discriminated against,” said ultra-Orthodox Education Minister Haim Biton.
Biton, a member of Shas, one of two Orthodox parties in the right-wing coalition, said they would not quit the government over the issue. But the other ultra-Orthodox party, United Torah Judaism (UTJ), notified the coalition whip that until the funding issue was resolved it would boycott votes in parliament.
Coalition whip Ophir Katz said he was working to avert a showdown ahead of a vote on a 3.4 billion shekel ($918.35 million) budget boost to help fund tens of thousands of Israelis displaced from their homes by rocket fire from Lebanon.
The dispute is the latest of many that have highlighted both the tensions within Netanyahu’s unwieldy coalition through almost two years of near-constant crisis punctuated by mass protests against judicial reforms and the Gaza war.
With a grouping of religious and hard-line nationalist-religious parties and his own right-wing Likud party, Netanyahu controls 64 of parliament’s 120 seats but from the start, relations between ministers have been fractious.
Far-right parties led by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir have repeatedly shaken the coalition over issues including the handling of the Gaza war, threatening to leave over any move, backed by Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, toward a deal to end the conflict.
The ultra-Orthodox parties have been less vocal about the conduct of the war but have fought hard for benefits for their Haredi community, who comprise around 13 percent of the population.
Tensions have run especially high over the recent abolition of an exemption long enjoyed by Haredi men from conscription into the military under a ruling by the Supreme Court, but the education budget has also caused problems.
“The Haredi parties feel that the extreme right secured all of its demands from the government and Ben-Gvir gets whatever he wants from the prime minister, while they are failing,” said Gilad Malach, director of the Israel Democracy Institute’s ultra-Orthodox program.
With Netanyahu’s government likely to face a reckoning at the polls over the security failures that allowed the Oct. 7 cross-border attack by Hamas from Gaza to happen, none of the parties have shown any real inclination to walk out.
But even so, such tensions contain the seeds of future problems, Malach said. “It might begin a process that all parties don’t want right now but that might be the result.”
Tunisian presidential candidate Zammel released from detention, state news agency says
Ayachi Zammel is one of three candidates approved by Tunisia’s electoral commission to run in a presidential election on Oct. 6
Zammel campaign member Mahdi Abdel Jawad described his arrest as a kidnapping
Updated 06 September 2024
Reuters
TUNIS: Tunisian presidential candidate Ayachi Zammel was released from police custody on Friday shortly after he was set free from a previous detention then re-arrested over alleged election-related irregularities, the state news agency TAP reported.
Zammel is one of three candidates approved by Tunisia’s electoral commission to run in a presidential election on Oct. 6 which opposition critics say is rigged in favor of President Kais Saied.
He was arrested on Monday on suspicion of falsifying voter forms. A judge ordered him set free on Thursday. But two lawyers for Zammel, Abdessatar Massoudi and Dalila Ben Mbarek, said he was arrested again immediately after his release from Borj El Amri prison.
On Friday, he was released again on a judge’s orders, TAP said. His case was postponed until Sept. 19.
Zammel campaign member Mahdi Abdel Jawad described his arrest as a kidnapping.
He is accused of falsifying voter forms for next month’s election. Each candidate must submit forms from 10,000 supporters to qualify to stand. He denies the allegation.
Zammel has said he faces restrictions and intimidation because he is a serious competitor to Saied. He has pledged to rebuild democracy, guarantee freedoms and fix Tunisia’s collapsing economy.
Saied was democratically elected in 2019, but then tightened his grip on power and began ruling by decree in 2021 in a move the opposition has described as a coup.
Major political factions say Saied’s years in power have eroded the democratic gains of Tunisia’s 2011 revolution.
Opposition parties and human rights groups have accused the authorities of using arbitrary restrictions to help ensure Saied’s re-election.
Along with Zammel and Saied, politician Zouhair Maghzaoui is approved to run in the election.
UN mission says both Sudan sides committed abuses, peacekeepers needed
Report said that both the Sudanese army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces were responsible for attacks on civilians
Updated 06 September 2024
Reuters
GENEVA: Both sides in Sudan’s civil war have committed abuses that may amount to war crimes, and world powers need to send in peacekeepers and widen an arms embargo to protect civilians, a UN-mandated mission said on Friday.
Sudan’s army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have both raped and attacked civilians, used torture and made arbitrary arrests, according to the report that said it was based on 182 interviews with survivors, relatives and witnesses. “The gravity of our findings and failure of the warring parties to protect civilians underscores the need for urgent and immediate intervention,” the UN fact-finding mission’s chair, Mohamed Chande Othman, told reporters.
Both sides have dismissed past accusations from the US and rights groups, and have accused each other of carrying out abuses. Neither immediately responded to requests for comment on Friday, or released a statement in response to the report.
Othman and the two other mission members called for an independent force to be deployed without delay.
“We cannot continue to have people dying before our eyes and do nothing about it,” mission member Mona Rishmawi said. A UN-mandated peacekeeping force was a possibility, she added.
The mission called for the expansion of an existing UN arms embargo which currently just applies to the western region of Darfur where thousands of ethnic killings have been reported. The war that started in Khartoum in April last year has spread to 14 out of 18 of the country’s states.
Hundreds of rapes reported
The mission said it had also found reasonable grounds to believe the RSF and its allied militias had committed additional war crimes including the abduction of women who were forced into sexual slavery and the recruitment of child soldiers.
Mission member Joy Ngozi Ezeilo said unnamed support groups had received reports of more than 400 rapes in the first year of the war, but the real number was probably much higher.
“The rare brutality of this war will have a devastating and long-lasting psychological impact on children,” she said.
The fact-finding team said it had tried to contact Sudanese authorities on multiple occasions but had got no answer. It said the RSF had asked to cooperate with the mission, without elaborating.
The conflict began when competition between the army and the RSF, who had previously shared power after staging a coup, flared into open warfare.
Civilians in Sudan are facing worsening famine, mass displacement and disease after 17 months of war, aid agencies say.
US-led mediators said last month that they had secured guarantees from both parties at talks in Switzerland to improve access for humanitarian aid, but that the Sudanese army’s absence from the discussions had hindered progress.
The report is the three-member mission’s first since its creation in October 2023 by the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva.
A group of Western countries including Britain will call for its renewal at a meeting this month, with diplomats expecting opposition from Sudan which says the war is an internal affair.
