Benjamin Netanyahu’s sense of entitlement

For some politicians longevity in power brings the benefits of experience and acquired wisdom. For others it brings complacency, detachment and a sense of entitlement.
Increasingly it becomes evident that the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu belongs to the latter. For most of his time in office, 11 years in total over the last 20, there has always been a cloud of suspicion that the Netanyahu family lives beyond its means. This might have been regarded as a private matter were it not banked rolled by wealthy foreign businessmen that happened by sheer coincidence to have some economic interests in Israel.
For all this time the Israeli prime minister managed to avoid police investigation. However, over the last fortnight even the very Netanyahu-friendly attorney general of Israel could not ignore the mounting evidence and called for a police investigation on two different allegations of corruption.
Netanayhu vehemently denies any wrongdoing and keeps repeating the same mantra of “nothing will be found because there is nothing.” Indeed the police investigation is in its very early stages and so far there has not been any indictment let alone any conviction. As any other ordinary citizen his presumption of innocence, and the others involved in this affair, must be respected.
Nevertheless, the two affairs that engulf the prime minister cannot be and should not be measured only by legal standards, but by the ones that are expected of those who serve in public life. On the basis of what we know already to be fact, the picture portrayed is of a leader that has lost his moral compass and his personal and political judgement.
While the first scandal exposes a prime minister who became accustomed to some costly habits, smoking expensive cigars and his wife’s predilection for fine pink champagne, the other reveals a politician who would do whatever it takes to stay in power.
Allegedly the Netanyahus have enjoyed a regular supply of these luxuries for years to the tune of more than $100,000. Israel of the 21st century is not as austere and quick to judge people with fine tastes as it was in its earlier days. However, when these habits are paid for by extremely rich people, whose vested interests could potentially benefit from the prime minister’s public service, there is no surprise that the public called foul play and the police were called in.
The country was established on semi-socialist foundations, and Netanyahu’s Thatcherite policies are far removed from these origins. Consequently more than one fifth of the population was pushed under the poverty line, including 30 percent of its children. Under these circumstances the Netanyahus’ proclivity for luxury can only be regarded as insensitive and morally corrupt. Equally alarming, it is a demonstration of a spectacular lack of judgement considering the list of Israeli former ministers, including a former Israeli prime minister, which has served time in jail for similar corruption cases.
If hedonism and cronyism characterise the first affair, the second one, if true, is purely an abuse of his position aimed at retaining power. Israeli Channel 2 TV released tapes in which the Prime Minister seems to allegedly collude with the publisher of the Yediot Haronot daily newspaper, Arnon (Noni) Mozes. At the heart of these tapes is a negotiation between these two sworn enemies to call a truce on their running battle by striking a deal in which the newspaper would refrain from its persistent and blunt criticism of Netanyahu in exchange for legislation that would benefit the commercial interests of the Yediot Haronot conglomerate.
If true, this affair drags the integrity of both the political system and the fourth estate in Israel further down the drain. Neither of these institutions entertains much public trust, and this kind of revelations leave confidence in them in tatters.
Netanyahu’s premiership over four terms has little to show in the way of achievements, either domestically or internationally. Splits in his government are widening with every day that goes by.
Most of his energy is devoted to keeping his very fragile coalition together, however, he has almost as many enemies within his own coalition government as outside of it. If indicted on either of the much-publicized scandals, he may find it very difficult not to resign. Even without legal action, his political rivals smell political blood and will not hesitate to utilise the corruption allegations to oust him.
After many years in power, Netanyahu is fighting on two crucial fronts, staying in power and avoiding the ignominy of criminal prosecution. Over 20 years allegations of impropriety in office against Netanyahu ended legally in ‘close, but no cigar’ situations. Will Netanyahu’s luck run out this time?
• Yossi Mekelberg is professor of international relations at Regent’s University London, where he is head of the International Relations and Social Sciences Program. He is also an associate fellow of the MENA Program at Chatham House. He is a regular contributor to the international written and electronic media.