The arrival of two Iranian warships off the coast of Yemen is a clear signal. Their commander said they had come to protect vessels from piracy. But everyone knows the maneuver is a further attempt to expand Iran’s interference in the Arab world.
Iran is funding and arming the Houthi rebels who have driven President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi from the capital, Sanaa. The Houthis are now seeking to overrun the country’s commercial capital Aden.
After quiet diplomacy failed, the Kingdom acted and acted decisively. It leads a 10-state coalition that has been delivering devastating airstrikes. In taking the lead, Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman has received international approval and support.
The Americans have been at the forefront. This week Deputy Secretary of State Antony Blinken said during a visit to Riyadh that Washington was speeding up weapons’ deliveries. It was also boosting intelligence sharing and working with Saudi commanders in operational planning.
Blinken praised the strong message that the Kingdom had sent to the Houthis that they could not overrun Yemen by force. Blinken also mentioned “the Houthis allies,” but did not spell out that he meant Iran. He should have. Iran is clearly seeking to repeat other interventions in the Arab world, each of which has proved calamitous for the countries concerned.
Iranian meddling in Lebanon stoked up a 16-year conflict in which 120,000 people died and up to 20,000 are still missing. Iranian meddling in Iraq crippled the political process. It led to a government in Baghdad that picked up the phone to Tehran every time a key decision had to be made.
Most horrifically, Iranian meddling in Syria has fostered a conflict in which more than 300,000 may have died already. Millions of Syrians have taken refuge in neighboring countries. Iranian attempts to foment unrest in Bahrain and Eastern Province were countered successfully with a resolute response. That same level of resolution is being applied to Tehran’s latest meddling in Yemen. It is perfectly clear to analysts that the Houthis could not have armed and trained and supplied themselves from their own resources. Even though now embraced by their one-time enemy, former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh, the Houthis could not have managed their insurgency without a considerable degree of assistance from Tehran.
The international backing for the robust Kingdom-led response to Iran and their client — Houthi tribesmen — is about much more than restoring the legitimate government of President Hadi.
There is a key strategic concern. If Yemen were ever run by allies of the current aggressive Iranian regime, world shipping could be in danger. The narrow Bab El-Mandeb channel could be used as a choke point between the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. Iran has shown repeated brinkmanship over the Strait of Hormuz, threatening to bottle up tanker movements from the Gulf. It would be equally capable of such menaces if its Houthi clients seized control of Yemen.
Therefore the Kingdom-led Arab alliance is dedicating itself to international interests as well as the regional concern to have a stable and prosperous Yemen.
It seems clear that Saudi Arabia will do what it takes to allow the return of President Hadi to Sanaa. Substantial ground forces have been gathering on the Yemeni border, first and foremost, to protect the Kingdom from further attacks. The airstrikes are having a devastating effect. However as the air operations in Iraq are showing, airpower by itself is unlikely to destroy a determined enemy. There is, however, another front that could be opened against the Houthis and their Iranian masters. Negotiations with Tehran over the country’s nuclear program have just produced the framework of an agreement to be finalized by July. International sanctions have brought the Iranian economy to its knees. The framework envisages the removal of this economic and financial stranglehold.
It is obvious that there must be some linkage formed between Iran’s meddling in Yemen and the lifting of sanctions. The Obama administration must recognize the risk of an economically re-empowered regime in Tehran. The nuclear deal is important. If it sticks, it will be a major victory for the international community. But it cannot be perceived in isolation. Iran’s much-denied nuclear weapons program is part of a piece. That piece involves a generally aggressive stance toward its Arab neighbors.
The Kingdom and its allies are physically combating Iranian meddling in Yemen with international support. Now the diplomatic screws need to be tightened on Tehran as well. A nuclear deal cannot go ahead in isolation. Iranian malevolence throughout the region has also to be taken into account.
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